On Thursday, June 4, Libya’s capital, Tripoli, witnessed the largest demonstrations in a growing wave of anti-migrant protests fueled by allegations that plans were underway to permanently resettle migrants inside the country.
Protesters gathered outside the headquarters of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) and, on the following day, blocked access to both compounds.
The protests were followed by an unprecedented series of intensive security operations targeting foreign labourers and undocumented migrants for arrest and deportation.
For thousands of Sudanese who had fled war in search of safety, the journey ended either behind the walls of detention centres or confined within their homes, afraid to venture outside for fear of arrest and expulsion.
As public debate over irregular migration and fears of migrant resettlement intensified across Libya, protests quickly spilled from the streets onto social media.
Campaigns emerged calling for boycotts of foreign workers and demanding their removal from residential neighbourhoods and workplaces. Some activists urged landlords not to rent to migrants and businesses not to employ or trade with them.
Social media platforms were flooded with the slogan “No to Resettlement,” accompanied by demands for tighter controls on foreigners, stronger border enforcement, and the deportation of undocumented migrants.
For Sudanese communities in Libya, the consequences have been profound. They now face what many describe as the most dangerous turning point since displacement flows surged following the outbreak of war in Sudan on April 15, 2023.
Large numbers of Sudanese first began migrating to Libya during the 1980s, crossing the Sahara to escape poverty and armed conflict, particularly from Kordofan and Darfur. Most migrants at the time were young men seeking work.
The current wave, however, is markedly different. Since April 2023, those arriving in Libya have included entire segments of Sudanese society: children, women, elderly people, and youth alike. Many hoping Libya might become a gateway to a safer and more prosperous future in Europe.
According to estimates by the UNHCR, Sudanese nationals now constitute the largest refugee population registered with the agency in Libya, accounting for nearly 82 per cent of all registered refugees. UNHCR reports indicate that approximately 559,920 Sudanese refugees have entered Libya since the outbreak of war in Sudan in April 2023. Of these, 91,494 are formally registered with the agency’s center in Tripoli. Major concentrations of Sudanese refugees are found in Kufra, Benghazi, Ajdabiya, Tripoli, and Misrata.
Although the United Nations has categorically denied the existence of any programs aimed at resettling migrants within Libya, stressing that its activities are limited to voluntary repatriation and evacuation to third countries, the controversy has continued to intensify online. What began as a debate has evolved into a broader wave of economic, political, and security anxieties.
Despite Libya’s enduring political divisions, authorities in both eastern and western Libya have adopted remarkably similar positions. Under the banner of opposing migrant resettlement, the rival administrations in Tripoli and Benghazi launched parallel security campaigns involving large-scale raids and arrests across the country.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Tripoli-based Government of National Unity was among the first institutions to act. On June 1, it issued a statement rejecting migrant resettlement and reaffirming what it described as Libya’s “national constants” in confronting the phenomenon. While emphasizing citizens’ constitutional right to express their views, the ministry simultaneously urged the public to exercise caution regarding information circulated on social media and warned against inflammatory rhetoric and unfounded rumors.
Other key institutions aligned themselves with this position, including the Presidential Council, the Libyan Government, the High Council of State, and the Administrative Control Authority, all publicly opposing any efforts to settle irregular migrants in Libya.
Interior Minister Emad Trabelsi stated that his ministry had deported thousands of migrants of various nationalities in recent months in accordance with legal and humanitarian frameworks as part of Libya’s national deportation program. He described migration as a national security challenge extending beyond the responsibilities of the Interior Ministry alone.
In eastern Libya, where authority is shared between the Libyan National Army and the Benghazi-based government, officials adopted an almost identical stance. In an unprecedented move, Saddam Haftar, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Libyan National Army, issued strict orders to security agencies in eastern and southern Libya to eliminate the unlawful presence of irregular migrants.
He stated that he was personally overseeing the campaign “to preserve public security and protect citizens.” Subsequently, security directorates across eastern and southern Libya announced coordinated operations targeting undocumented migrants, followed by the deportation of large numbers of detainees by air on the same day. The House of Representatives in Benghazi also issued a statement categorically rejecting any public or secret arrangements that could alter Libya’s demographic composition.
On June 3, the Benghazi-based government instructed relevant agencies to immediately enforce existing laws and regulations related to irregular migration, describing the issue as a matter of national sovereignty that permits no compromise.
At the same time, the government sought to distinguish Sudanese war-displaced persons from broader migration concerns. It emphasized that anti-migration measures and opposition to resettlement projects did not affect Libya’s humanitarian and fraternal commitments toward Sudanese fleeing conflict. The statement reflected an effort to balance national security considerations with humanitarian obligations toward those escaping war.
Yet such assurances have done little to alleviate fears among Sudanese residents. Security operations have continued, and many remain concerned that they may be swept up in detention and deportation campaigns regardless of their status. Cities across eastern Libya, including Benghazi, Tobruk, Derna, Al-Bayda, and Ajdabiya, have witnessed extensive raids and inspections that resulted in the arrest and deportation of thousands of individuals from various nationalities, including Sudanese nationals.
A video broadcast by Libya Al-Hadath television showed the daily roll call of residents housed in facilities operated by branches of the Anti-Illegal Migration Agency. Covering municipalities from Al-Batnan and Derna to Benghazi, Ajdabiya, Sirte, Kufra, and the southern region, the footage displayed a total of 7,782 detainees standing in tightly packed formations. Sudanese migrants appeared prominently among them, offering a stark glimpse into the difficult realities facing Sudanese communities amid Libya’s expanding anti-migration campaign.
Confined to Their Homes
We could not go out to shops or bakeries because we feared being stopped or detained.
Abrar Mohammed, Sudanese resident, Al-Bayda
As anti-migrant rhetoric escalated, anxiety deepened among Sudanese residents across Libya. The increasingly hostile discourse frequently made little distinction between economic migrants, refugees fleeing war, or asylum seekers awaiting international protection.
Sudanese residents interviewed by Atar reported that many families had curtailed their movements, venturing outside only when absolutely necessary. Others chose to remain indoors altogether, fearing arrest, harassment, or physical attacks.
Abrar Mohammed, a Sudanese resident of Al-Bayda, told Atar that she and her family had effectively been trapped inside their home since the previous Thursday.
“We could not go out to shops or bakeries because we feared being stopped or detained,” she said.
She added that authorities had carried out raids targeting Sudanese residents while young Sudanese men were being pursued in the streets and at their workplaces.
A Sudanese father living with his family in Sabratha described a similar atmosphere of fear. Speaking to Atar, he said his family had endured days of intense anxiety throughout the protests. Memories of the violence that accompanied Libya’s 2011 conflict resurfaced, particularly reports of attacks targeting foreigners and migrants in some areas.
“The fear grew stronger whenever people began talking about those events again,” he said.
His family feared that at any moment they might face a raid or attack by extremist groups. His children suffered recurring nightmares and sleep disturbances as a result of the stress.
To buy food and water, I avoided main roads and moved through side streets for fear of detention.
Sudanese father living in Sabratha
The family remained inside their home for more than five consecutive days. When he was forced to leave to purchase food, drinking water, and basic necessities, he avoided main roads and moved through side streets to reduce the risk of harassment or detention. A sympathetic shop owner eventually offered to deliver supplies directly to the family’s home.
During those days, he said, the family seriously discussed returning to Sudan despite the ongoing war there. Yet even leaving home to arrange travel documents felt dangerous.
Migrants and local residents also reported instances of shops requesting identity documents from foreign customers before serving them. Some migrants claimed that stores had refused to do business with them altogether.
In one incident in Tripoli’s Janzour district, a Sudanese resident told Atar that a shop owner refused to sell him groceries, accusing him of being an undocumented migrant who had entered Libya illegally. Although he explained that he was legally resident in the country, the shopkeeper persisted until bystanders intervened and prevented the confrontation from escalating.
While no official decisions have been issued restricting migrants’ access to food, medicine, or essential services, such testimonies suggest that discriminatory attitudes may be moving from online discourse into everyday practice.
In Zawiya, a Sudanese woman told Atar that concerns for her family’s safety had increased sharply in recent days. She noted that some neighbours had long expressed hostility toward foreigners, even before the latest protests erupted. When she informed her landlord that she wished to leave the property due to security concerns, he demanded that she either undertake maintenance work on the room she occupied or pay compensation before vacating. She ultimately complied to avoid further conflict during an already precarious period.
The protests coincided with the end of the academic year and the closure of schools following final examinations, reducing opportunities for direct interaction between Libyan pupils and children from migrant and refugee families. Observers suggest that the next school year may serve as an important test of the authorities’ ability to protect foreign students and prevent discriminatory practices within educational institutions.
Where Is the Sudanese Embassy?
The embassy neither warned Sudanese nationals nor issued guidance before the protests began.
Anas Mohammed Ali, Sudanese resident in Libya
Alongside concerns over security, many Sudanese residents have directed criticism at their own diplomatic mission, accusing the Sudanese Embassy and consular offices of failing to adequately monitor developments or provide meaningful support.
Anas Mohammed Ali, a young Sudanese resident, expressed frustration that the embassy had neither warned Sudanese nationals nor issued guidance before the protests began. “Instead, on the very day of the demonstrations, it announced a voluntary return to Sudan program without saying a single word about the situation unfolding around us,” he said.
Indeed, on June 4, as protesters surrounded UNHCR headquarters in Tripoli, the Sudanese Embassy announced preparations for the second phase of its voluntary repatriation program. The embassy called on registered applicants to confirm their willingness to return within seventy-two hours and urged families to update their information and submit required documents through the online registration system.
Four days later, amid mounting criticism, the embassy issued a statement clarifying its position. It stressed that Sudanese nationals in Libya, including those registered with UNHCR, did not support any proposals for resettlement inside Libya and remained committed to voluntary return to Sudan. The embassy also praised cooperation with the Government of National Unity on repatriation efforts.
Interior Minister Emad Trabelsi later stated that deportations involving Sudanese nationals had taken place in coordination with the Sudanese Embassy and at its request.
Sudanese journalists residing in Libya criticized the embassy for failing to establish clear communication channels, issue security guidance, or provide emergency contact mechanisms for vulnerable individuals.
The Sudanese Journalists Syndicate likewise expressed concern over reports that Sudanese journalists in Libya had faced harassment, threats, and racist abuse. The union called for urgent protection measures and consideration of evacuation or resettlement options for the most vulnerable cases.
According to a source who spoke to Atar, Libyan authorities intercepted and returned approximately 1,500 Sudanese migrants, including women and children, from the Mediterranean Sea during the past year and the first quarter of this year. The source noted that such individuals are typically placed in detention facilities for extended periods before decisions are made regarding imprisonment or deportation.
Documented Violations
Libyan human rights organizations have voiced alarm over the rise of hate speech and incitement targeting migrants, refugees, and foreign workers.
The National Institution for Human Rights in Libya reported that a Sudanese refugee was physically assaulted near the Ras Ajdir border crossing with Tunisia on June 4. According to the organization, unidentified perpetrators burned his hands with fire. Residents of the nearby town of Al-Jumail reportedly transported him to a medical clinic for treatment.
The organization linked the attack to the broader escalation of online incitement, racism, and anti-migrant rhetoric and called on the Interior Ministry to conduct an urgent investigation.
Meanwhile, the Libya Crimes Watch organization stated that it had documented a sharp increase in violations against migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers since the beginning of June. These included arrests, home raids, expulsions, and physical and verbal assaults affecting women and children in cities such as Tripoli, Benghazi, Ajdabiya, and Al-Bayda.
The organization reported that operations had been carried out by various security agencies and armed groups in both eastern and western Libya and noted instances in which civilians participated directly in raids and attacks.
The Disappearance of Migrant Labour
A prolonged disruption could reveal the extent to which Libya’s economy relies on low-cost foreign labour.
Khalifa Al-Bashbash, Libyan journalist and writer
Libya’s economy depends heavily on foreign labour, which accounts for an estimated 40 per cent of the country’s workforce. As security operations intensified and fears of arrest spread, visible signs of labour shortages began to emerge. Atar correspondents observed the disappearance of migrants, including Sudanese workers, from the streets of Benghazi. Videos shared by Libyan citizens showed factories, workshops, markets, and construction sites slowing or halting operations due to the absence of migrant labour.
Similar reports emerged from Tripoli, Misrata, and Zawiya, where large numbers of African workers disappeared from public spaces and workplaces in the days following the protests.
Business owners reported delays in construction projects, sanitation services, and other sectors due to labour shortages. In some areas, daily wages increased as available workers became scarcer. Merchants warned that a prolonged disruption could reveal the extent to which Libya’s economy relies on low-cost foreign labour.
Libyan journalist and writer Khalifa Al-Bashbash argued that public debate often overlooks the difficult working conditions many migrant labourers endure. He noted that some employers exploit migrants’ legal and economic vulnerability by imposing excessive working hours or denying rights guaranteed under Libyan labour law.
According to Al-Bashbash, Libyan legislation establishes limits on working hours and grants workers the right to rest periods, paid leave, and overtime compensation—protections that should apply equally to Libyan and foreign workers. Comparisons between Libyan and migrant workers, he argued, frequently ignore the unequal ability of migrants to demand these rights or challenge abusive conditions, particularly when they support families in their countries of origin.
Such observations reflect a broader debate within Libya over migration and labour markets: whether dependence on foreign labour stems primarily from shortages in the domestic workforce, or whether it is also rooted in the wages and working conditions prevailing in certain sectors.
The current campaign is not the first of its kind. Since early last year, Sudanese communities in Libya have lived under growing uncertainty as anti-migrant mobilization intensified under the banner of the “No to Resettlement” movement.
Both popular and official actors have opposed migrant resettlement, and by early 2025 demonstrations against foreign presence had spread across several Libyan cities, including Tripoli and Misrata.
These protests were accompanied by security raids and arrests targeting Sudanese nationals in multiple locations across western Libya.
