Ismail Siddig, an electrical engineer, arrived in River Nile State from Sinnar State, using one of its cities as a stopover on his way to Egypt where he had secured a job opportunity.
In this city, which had become a hub for military activity by the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and its allied forces, military intelligence officers carried out their routine procedures. One officer noticed that Ismail’s identification card was issued in Wad Madani, which alone was enough to raise suspicion against him, as he recounted to Atar’s editor.
A combat vehicle from the Al-Bara bin Malik Battalion appeared. The intelligence officer told the commanding officer that Ismail was a spy working for the Rapid Support Forces
They took him to a nearby intelligence office, where he was interrogated, his bags and phone were searched, and he was eventually released without any charges. By then, curfew had already started, so Ismail rented a bed at the bus station to spend the night. However, while on his way to buy drinking water, he was stopped by a man, whom he later realised was a military intelligence officer, accompanied by two mobilized fighters. They began questioning him, searching his phone, and forcing him to open his banking app. The interrogation lasted over an hour. Ismail recalled that the questioning turned into racial slurs, and they even demanded money in exchange for his release. He refused to comply, insisting that they either follow legal procedures or let him go.
As they were leading him toward a security checkpoint, a combat vehicle from the Al-Bara bin Malik Battalion appeared. The intelligence officer told the commanding officer that Ismail was a spy working for the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Ismail tried to deny the accusation, but the officer insisted on his arrest. His eyes were blindfolded, and he was taken to a building that he later discovered belonged to the army’s intelligence division.
During the ride, he could hear threats of beheading, rape, castration with pliers, and other forms of torture.
Upon arrival, intelligence officers and members of the Al-Bara Battalion began interrogating him again, repeating the claim that he was an RSF intelligence operative. Ismail repeatedly denied the accusations, presenting his credentials, academic certificates, and work experience with various companies and organizations. However, the interrogator demanded that he hand over the coordinates he had allegedly sent to the RSF. Stunned, Ismail responded that he had never done such a thing and pointed out that he had been arrested merely for being suspected of belonging to the RSF, not for sending coordinates. The interrogating officer insisted on the accusation, and his phone was searched again.
What was supposed to be a short wait turned into nearly a month-long detention
That night, Ismail was left in an open detention yard instead of being placed in a cell. The next morning, he was called in again and informed by an officer that there was no evidence against him and that he would be released. His belongings were returned, except for his work ID and personal identification card. The officer told him to wait at the detention centre while they located the missing documents.
What was supposed to be a short wait turned into nearly a month-long detention. Despite repeatedly asking about his IDs, officers and soldiers kept pressuring him to confess that he was an RSF intelligence officer collaborating with the group.
While in detention, an intelligence officer came looking for someone with electrical expertise. Ismail’s fellow detainees pointed him out, and he was taken to fix an electrical issue at the army barracks. While working, he struck up a conversation with the intelligence sergeant overseeing him and asked about a former colleague who used to live in the barracks. The sergeant inquired about his relationship with the man, where he had worked, and the reason for his arrest. Ismail recounted his ordeal from the moment he arrived. Eventually, the intelligence officer suggested that if Ismail fixed the electrical issue, he would convince the officers to release him.
During his detention in River Nile State, Ismail met several other detainees accused of collaborating with the RSF. The reasons varied: from criticizing the SAF to having private conversations about the war, or simply being victims of suspicion or false reports. He said they lived in dire conditions, crammed into tiny cells, given only two meals a day, and forced to drink contaminated water, which led to widespread illness and weakened immune systems. Those who fell sick were often left untreated, as access to medication depends on whether a detainee had money. Additionally, they faced brutal torture, branding with hot irons, flogging, and electric shocks, coerced into confessing to crimes that were, in many cases, fabricated.
Even when detainees accused of collaboration change their statements recorded in the investigation report before the court and claim that their documented testimonies were obtained under torture, intelligence officers subject them to further torture, forcing them to confess in the next court session to an alleged affiliation with the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).
Ismail recounted that many of them ended up confirming in court what had been written in the investigation report, leading the judge to issue verdicts against them, just so they would not have to return to detention. The period of detention can extend up to seven months or even longer, and detainees may be released depending on the changing moods of officers and soldiers, the availability of influential connections, the decision to proceed with prosecution, or sheer luck, as was the case with Ismail.
Collaboration Lists
Anyone can become a suspect, especially if they are passing through or unfamiliar with the city
In areas controlled by both warring sides, civilians face accusations of collaborating with the enemy. Anyone can become a suspect, especially if they are passing through or unfamiliar with the city. Ismail’s story illustrates what can happen in SAF-controlled areas, but the fate of civilians in RSF-controlled regions is different: there may be no court or legal system to appeal to for justice.
Maryam and her family fled their home in Sinnar State after the RSF took control of their area, fearing attacks, looting, and abuse against civilians, especially since her brother had joined the army as a mobilized soldier. Their neighbours warned them that they were being targeted.
Maryam told Atar that many young men from their area had joined the RSF and began identifying the homes and families of soldiers fighting in the army and allied forces. When her family moved to another neighbourhood in preparation for leaving the state, her father returned to retrieve some belongings. He was intercepted by RSF fighters, who struck him with the butt of a rifle on the head and neck, accusing him of espionage and collaboration with the army by providing coordinates and information. They robbed him of his money and phone and threatened to slit his throat after throwing him to the ground.
Maryam’s father remained bedridden for thirteen days, but there were no functioning hospitals or available medicine, as they had all been looted.
The RSF fighters did not stop there. They later returned to Maryam’s family home and looted everything inside.
“We fled to villages in southern Sinnar State, but after four days, the RSF entered Singa City and surrounding villages, and once again, we found ourselves in RSF-controlled territory,” Maryam recalled.
When she asked, “Is everything alright?” he replied, “Nothing good ever comes from us.”
RSF members used her father’s confiscated phone to call Maryam’s cousin, asking about her whereabouts. A month after the RSF took control of parts of southern Sinnar, an armed vehicle carrying RSF soldiers, along with informants from their original hometown, stormed the area where her family had taken refuge. One of the informants recognized her, called her by name, and told the driver to stop, saying they were looking for her and her brother.
When she asked, “Is everything alright?” he replied, “Nothing good ever comes from us.”
The group raided the house and interrogated Maryam’s parents about their son’s whereabouts. Unable to extract any information, they took Maryam into custody, accusing her of collaboration and espionage.
She remained in detention for three months, subjected to continuous questioning about her brother’s location and how to reach him. They threatened that she would be held hostage until he appeared.
“During the first week, they treated me well, just questioning and inquiries. I even saw some people from our area in the house where I was detained. But after that, I was raped by the soldiers and their officers. They injected me daily with a drug to prevent pregnancy, which has caused me health problems,” Maryam narrated.
When her captors failed to obtain any information about her brother, they released her in exchange for a ransom her family struggled to collect.
Khalid Mohammed, who witnessed the RSF invasion of Wad Madani in December 2023 and remained in the city until it was recaptured by the army, told Atar that the RSF’s takeover was accompanied by targeted arrests from the very first days. These arrests followed pre-prepared lists containing the names of individuals they intended to detain. Some were released quickly, while others were held for extended periods.
“We had neighbours known to be affiliated with the Islamic Movement. The RSF arrested two of them, both over fifty years old, along with a young man in his twenties,” Khalid told Atar.
He recounted the events of their arrest: Two RSF vehicles, fully equipped, stopped in front of the house. The armed RSF personnel entered and took the young man and the two older men. The latter were released after three days and immediately left the city. However, the young man was held for 17 days before being forced to work for the RSF as a supervisor overseeing health centres in East Madani.
“Beyond being coerced into working with them, he was also forced to appear in live broadcasts alongside an RSF officer known as ‘Wad Mulah’ in East Madani, Dardig, Mayo, and Awoda. This later led to his re-arrest by the army and its allies after they retook Wad Madani, when the Sudan Shield Forces, led by Abu Aqila Kikal, surrendered to the Sudanese army and joined its ranks,” Khalid said.
According to Khalid, there were also arbitrary arrests, often triggered by trivial incidents. Sometimes, an RSF member would detain someone simply because they didn’t like the way the person looked at them, accusing them of collaborating with the army.
“I was detained for more than 17 hours just because I refused to hand over my phone before erasing all its contents. Sometimes, arrest or release depends entirely on the mood of the individual RSF personnel or the commander in charge of a checkpoint,” Khalid said.
During the war, social media platforms became a space for public trials
The charge of collaboration can even escalate to a death sentence. Khalid recounted the case of a neighbour who was detained for two days before his family was informed of his death due to a supposed illness. In other cases, detainees endure torture and ransom demands ranging between two and three billion Sudanese pounds.
Khalid also noted that many of those who remained in Wad Madani during the RSF occupation were later arrested by the army when it regained control. These arrests followed extensive lists of names, some based on intelligence, while others appeared to be acts of revenge.
“Beyond the arrests, we also witnessed assassinations carried out by both sides: the army and its allied forces, as well as the RSF and its allies. Among the victims were South Sudanese citizens who were executed by the Sudan Shield Forces,” he added.
During the war, social media platforms became a space for public trials, where accusations of collaboration with the RSF were widely shared, often without evidence. Many posts included personal details such as names, ages, places of residence, and, in some cases, professions and phone numbers. These accusations were spread through various pages, some general and others neighbourhood-specific. Some of these pages amassed up to 36,000 followers, while others reached 16,000, and certain posts openly incited violence.
One case involved a tea vendor in Shandi named Fatima Issa, who was accused of collaborating with the RSF by providing coordinates that allegedly enabled the bombing of Sabreen Market. Her photo and personal information circulated across multiple pages, forcing her to release a video denying the accusation. In the video, she stated that she had been living in Shandi for months and had no involvement in the attack. Fatima’s case is just one of many where individuals have been accused via social media.
In a video dated June 30, 2023, a group of men can be seen surrounding a tea vendor, driving her away from her place of work while one of them called for her stall to be destroyed. On various social media accounts, accusations have been made against tea and food vendors operating in RSF-controlled areas, labeling them as collaborators.
This Atar editor observed that tea and food vendors were among the groups most frequently accused of collaborating with the RSF, particularly in areas that experienced intense conflict. This is largely due to the nature of their work in public spaces and markets, where they interact with a wide range of customers, including armed factions. Many are also forced to provide services to soldiers. These factors, combined with their economic vulnerability, have left many of them trapped in conflict zones and exposed to accusations.
From a Legal Perspective
Speaking to Atar, legal expert and human rights advocate Ali Abdel Azim said individuals accused of collaborating with the RSF have been tried under articles related to undermining the constitutional order, waging war against the state, and crimes against humanity since the outbreak of the war, based on decisions issued by multiple courts. Regarding the arrest of the accused, Ali explained that, under normal circumstances, such matters fall under the jurisdiction of the Public Prosecution and the Criminal Police, in accordance with the Attorney General’s Law and the Criminal Procedures Law. Abdel Azim emphasizes the importance of upholding the rights of the accused and adhering to fair trial standards. He noted that while some cases have involved defense lawyers, most accused collaborators are denied legal representation during the investigation phase, the most crucial stage for building a defense. Nonetheless, Ali says he has observed instances where sentences have been reduced from the death penalty to imprisonment, and in other cases, criminal charges have been dismissed by higher courts.
On the other hand, lawyer Sarah Saad believes the core issue lies in the fact that people, whether in RSF-controlled or army-controlled areas, do not have the luxury of accepting or refusing to cooperate. Some provide information out of fear of one side or the other, as refusal could put them in danger. Therefore, treating them as outright collaborators is unjust, as it disregards the social and economic contexts in which they lived and continue to live.
individuals are sometimes targeted based on tribal or ethnic affiliations, as well as personal vendettas
Speaking to Atar, Sarah summarized the issue as one of surveillance and distinction between actual collaborators and others. “Some individuals, in an attempt to gain favour with the army or out of fear, especially if they were in areas previously under RSF control and were unable to leave, may feel pressured to accuse others of collaboration. Additionally, individuals are sometimes targeted based on tribal or ethnic affiliations, as well as personal vendettas arising from old social grievances,” Sarah said.
How Are Accused Collaborators Arrested?
A judicial source told Atar that the arrest of individuals accused of collaborating with the RSF is primarily carried out by intelligence and security forces through active security cells in army-controlled states. Arrests often occur at checkpoints and border crossings, where individuals and their identification documents are scrutinized. The source explained that security and intelligence units, along with the police, maintain databases and photographs of suspected collaborators and looters. Sometimes, arrests also take place in local markets. If the accused is a foreign national, they are interrogated by the Security and Intelligence Service, while most suspects are handed over to military intelligence for further investigation. If a suspect confesses, they are brought to trial.
The judicial source added that specialized technicians recover all images and videos from the suspects’ mobile phones, which may serve as evidence. If images of them wearing a “kadmool” (traditional face covering) or carrying weapons are found, these can be used as incriminating evidence. During trial, a military judicial advisor, affiliated with the army, is present. Depending on the classification of the crime, the accused is questioned about their role with the RSF. If found to have carried a weapon, they are charged under Articles 50, 51, and 53, which pertain to crimes against the state and waging war against it, offenses punishable by death or life imprisonment.
The source further stated that some detainees confess to looting civilian homes or engaging in trade in what is known as Daglo markets. These offenses carry lighter charges, with suspects tried under Articles 174 (theft) and 181 (dealing in stolen property), which carry sentences ranging from five to seven years in prison.
The judicial process begins with suspects being referred to the Public Prosecution, where, after investigation involving military legal advisors and the police, charges are formally filed, and the accused are sent to trial. If no substantial evidence is found, the accused is released. In some cases, intelligence agencies release suspects before getting to these legal stages. The source stressed that death and life imprisonment sentences can only be issued by a general court judge. False accusations are dealt with strictly, and courts have immediately released individuals who were forced into confessions. Mobile phone evidence alone is not considered sufficient for conviction, witnesses and direct evidence are required.
The war has necessitated the enforcement of legal provisions that were rarely applied, such as espionage laws, even though they have always existed in the legal framework
Prosecution in collaboration cases is represented by a military legal advisor or an army-appointed delegate, along with the complainant from military intelligence. The Public Prosecutor represents the public interest, as collaboration is considered a crime against society. For accused individuals who cannot afford legal representation, the Legal Aid Department at the Ministry of Justice appoints a lawyer on their behalf. The source also confirmed that trials are open to the public and media, and defendants have the right to appeal in both appellate courts and the original trial court.
A pardon from the Commander-in-Chief is possible, as seen in the case of Sudan Shield Forces commander Abu Aqila Kikal, unless there is a private right that cannot be pardoned.
Due to the multiplicity of security agencies, some individuals arrested for collaboration turn out to be double agents planted by intelligence services, and they are later released by their superior security authorities.
The source further explained that some individuals were forced to work for the RSF, including lawyers who were coerced into serving in prosecution offices, courts, and police stations under RSF control. The RSF also compelled them to prosecute civilians. The source cited incidents in the Libya Market Prosecution Office in Omdurman and other RSF-controlled areas, noting that such individuals are not charged upon fleeing to safer areas. If they are arrested, they are usually released.
To date, no death sentences have been carried out, as executions require approval and ratification by the head of state. Additionally, military intelligence does not appeal verdicts when an accused person is acquitted and released. However, due to the presence of multiple security and military agencies, some acquitted individuals may be rearrested.
Regarding detainees held by intelligence agencies, the source stated that courts lack the authority to summon them for trial due to the ongoing state of emergency in the country.
Judges reportedly do not oppose media coverage of these cases. In fact, they encourage it. Journalists can access figures on the number of cases, death sentences, life sentences, and theft-related convictions, but the names of the accused are kept confidential to protect their privacy and rights.
“The war has necessitated the enforcement of legal provisions that were rarely applied, such as espionage laws, even though they have always existed in the legal framework,” the source concluded.
